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U.S. Department of State 93/06/09 Statement at EC Ministerial, Luxembourg Office of the Spokesman Statement by Secretary of State Warren Christopher at the conclusion of the EC Ministerial Plateau du Kirchberg, Luxembourg June 9, 1993 America's Partnership With the European Community Thank you Mr. Minister. I want to express my thanks to Minister Helveg Petersen for his leadership during the Danish Presidency of the European Community. We have enjoyed excellent cooperation during the Danish Presidency and we have made a good deal of progress on key issues. We look forward to working just as closely with the Belgian Presidency starting in July. This is the first time I have met with the EC Foreign Ministers as a group and I felt it was important--during our working session this morning and over lunch--to reaffirm how strongly the new Clinton Administration views its partnership with Europe. The United States and Europe are inextricably linked. Our ties could not be deeper. The United States is absolutely committed to European security, and to a full range of economic and political interests that we will pursue together. The end of the Cold War and our shared victory over communism provides the United States and Europe with an historic opportunity to pursue a new agenda. This broad-ranging, positive agenda is based on our common commitment to democratic values, collective security, human rights, and free market principles. Today, I made presentations on five areas of concern to the United States and Europe. These topics included: (1) strengthening our economies; (2) intensifying support for democracy and free markets in Russia and the former Soviet Union; (3) searching for a settlement of the conflict in the former Yugoslavia and making sure that it does not spread into a wider Balkan war; (4) achieving a lasting peace in the Middle East; and (5) curbing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The Clinton Administration defines American security not only in political and military terms, but also in terms of economic strength. The economic relationship that we discussed today not only spans the Atlantic, but reaches eastward--across Europe to Russia and all the way to Asia. I also reviewed President Clinton's economic program. I noted that his program has already helped push down long-term interest rates in the U.S. to their lowest levels in two decades. Adoption of the President's economic program will reduce the U.S. budget deficit and help spur economic growth. The strength of America's economy--and the economy of each of our nations--also depends on opening markets and expanding trade. Along these lines, we discussed our determination to successfully conclude the Uruguay Round trade talks by the end of the year. We noted the significant progress being made on market access agreements. Our trade relationship already totals almost 200 billion dollars a year and a broad trade agreement will generate further economic growth and prosperity on both sides of the Atlantic. I applauded the steps Europe is taking towards integration and reaffirmed our support for a strengthened European Community. European integration can also lead to a strengthened U.S.-EC partnership, especially as we look eastward. Second, support for reform in the former Soviet Union. Even at a time of belt-tightening in the United States, President Clinton has taken a series of courageous steps to support reform in Russia and the former Soviet Union. He has made this case to the American people because of his conviction that nothing is more important to the security of Europe and North America than the success of economic and political reform in Russia. I urged the EC to support three important initiatives announced at the April G-7 Ministerial in Tokyo: (1) The two billion dollar Special Privatization and Restructuring Fund; (2) the Nuclear Threat Reduction Program, modeled on our Nunn-Lugar program; and (3) the establishment of a G-7 Special Implementation Office in Moscow to monitor assistance and remove bureaucratic bottlenecks. We all agreed to redouble our efforts to support Russian reform. If reform fails, if Russia reverts to dictatorship, the consequences would be appalling. We would again face the shadow of nuclear confrontation, increased defense budgets and a major setback for the worldwide movement towards democracy. We also discussed the importance of political engagement with Ukraine. I reviewed the trip that Secretary Aspin and Ambassador Talbott recently made to Kiev. Third, Bosnia. Our work here and later this week in Athens will focus on the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 836 establishing safe areas. This resolution is an intermediate step to help bring the killing to an end, and contributes to our goal of containing the Balkan conflict while pressure grows on the warring parties--especially the Serbs--to enter into negotiations that will lead to a political settlement bargained in good faith. I made clear our commitment to provide airpower to protect UNPROFOR forces on the ground and our commitment to eventually provide ground forces in connection with an agreement negotiated in good faith by all the parties. I also stressed the determination of the United States to take steps in Kosovo and Macedonia that will prevent the spillover of this conflict elsewhere. On these points, I am sure that there is no confusion or mistaken impressions. Fourth, the Middle East. I told my colleagues that the Middle East Peace Talks will resume in Washington on June 15 under the sponsorship of the United States and Russia. I believe it will be possible to see some tangible results emerge. I am convinced that 1993 can be a breakthrough year, and the United States will be pursuing intensive efforts to bring the parties together. I reviewed three immediate objectives we have in fulfilling our role as a full partner in these talks. First, we are helping the parties to narrow gaps and draft language to represent emerging areas of agreement. Second, we are pressing parties to make sustained efforts to improve the situation on the ground. Security is important, but basic human rights must also be respected to give people reason to continue their support for these talks. Third, we are encouraging tangible actions to address the economic and social needs in the region. I discussed monetary commitments we have made in this regard and suggested that the EC should also play a constructive role. Fifth, the prospects for peace in that troubled region led me to make a presentation on the long-term threat posed by the most urgent arms control issue of the 1990s--proliferation. I departed from the agenda of these discussions to call for strong, collective action by the U.S. and Europe to deal with the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, missiles for their delivery, and sophisticated conventional arms and dual-use technologies. We need concerted action to deal firmly and creatively with dangerous states that are contributing to tensions in regions like the Middle East. The most worrisome of these countries--and the one that Europe can most directly influence--is Iran. I suggested that the U.S. and the EC adopt a collective policy of containment. Iran must be persuaded to abandon its nuclear, chemical, biological, and missile programs. Iran's economy is in trouble. Iran will be vulnerable to concerted pressure from the West if it is clear that we seek strictly defined changes in its behavior. The United States has moved, at some cost, to forgo sales of certain dual-use goods and we have moved to control exports of certain strategic goods and technologies. Iran must understand that it cannot have normal commercial relations and acquire dual-use technologies--while at the same time trying to develop weapons of mass destruction. This policy of containment and pressure will work if we pursue it together with European nations. I called upon the European Community today to consider a coordinated approach to this important and vital issue. Those are the elements of my presentations today in the meetings here in Luxembourg. I would be happy to take a few questions. (###)